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Jung, Opere complete. Arhetipurile si inconstientul colectiv C. Jung, Complete Works. Viitorul dialogic al reflectiei religioase Leonard Swidler, After the Absolute. It rejects the common assertion that migrant communities are conservative in religious and social matters by arguing that traditionalism requires considerable ideological creativity that transforms previous practices and discourses considerably.

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It suggests instead that religious movements, active among migrants, develop cosmopolitan projects that can be viewed as alternatives to the cosmopolitanism of the European Enlightenment. This raises a number of challenges concerning citizenship, integration and political loyalty for governmentality in the nation-states in which these cosmopolitan projects are carried out. The paper suggests that instead of looking at religious migrants as at best conservative and at worst terrorist one should perhaps pay some attention to the creative moments in human responses to new challenges and new environments.

JSRI N o. Introduction Religion is a conceptual category that, like similar categories such as culture and ritual and society, organizes understandings of social practices in a novel way from the beginning of the 19th century Asadvan der Veer As a modern category it emerges together with nationalism as an ideology in discourses that oppose the modern to the traditional.

Theories that emphasize the trans-historical universality of religion and the particular historicity of the nation underestimate the extent to which the nation form is universalised in modern history and determines the location of religion.

Journal For Studies of Religion and Ideology - NR - 7

Societies assume the nation-form in the historical transformation that we refer to as modernity and it is this form that determines what is understood as the religious or the secular. KEY WORDS: nation-state, transnationalism, Hindu, Muslim, migrants, identity, orientalist imagination, tradition, globali-sation, cosmopolitanism not a re-phrasing of the secularisation-thesis since there is not much evidence for the disappearance of religion or its marginality in public life in most societies.

Rather, it emphasises the importance of the nation-state for the location and nature of religion. Again, theories, such as those of Durkheim or of recent authors like Gellner and Anderson, that bitcoin vendor that religion is replaced by nationalism neglect the continuing importance of nationalized religion in modern identity.

AndersonBellahGellner In Western Europe, at least, denominational differences are not completely obliterated in the process of national unification, but they are often hierarchically encompassed to use Louis Dumonts term as forms of national identity Dumont This encompassment is in many plural societies expressed in well-worn slogans, such as unity in diversity.

In the modern nation-state religious difference does not immediately have to lead to questions of loyalty to the nation, although, as we shall see, this continues to be a delicate issue in relation to immigrant minorities that practice religions that seem difficult to assimilate.

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Nation and trans-nation belong together in a more intimate way than is often realized. This is not taken sufficiently into account in theories of globalisation that posit the dissolution of the nation-state today as a consequence of the development of trans-national governance and the global economy. The fundamental changes that we see over the past few decades, undeniably, do have important consequences for the political and economic capacities of nation-states, but they do certainly not imply the dissolving of this societal form.

It is important to remain aware of the great variation of state formation in the world and the variable effects of global capitalist transformations on the nation-state system.

At the same time there can be little doubt that human interaction networks increasingly operate on a global scale Mann One of the most important transformations we can point at is that of what is called the death of distance, the idea being that communications in the broad sense including telecommunications and transport have brought everyone closer to everyone. Migrant communities at the end of the 20th century are thus different from those at the end of the cryptocurrency comders africa de sud century, because telephone, inter-net, television and airplane bring them not only closer to home, aprinderea pokerului bitcoin retragere also to members of the community in other places.

Instead of forming singular migrant communities that try to keep in touch with home they become diasporic networks with a multiplicity of nodes.


Moreover, there is a global production of the imagination of home in media like television and cinema which affects both migrants and those who stay behind. The cultural distance with the traditions of home can therefore not be conceptualised in the same ways as before. The notion of culture itself has become increasingly problematic since it is hard to localize in discrete communities within bounded territories van der Veer 5 The general observations that I have made here are meant to be introductory to the issues I want to address in this paper.

Gadhafi has become history to the Libyans O. The announcement was made by a commander of the troops of the National Transition Council, and the information was disseminated by the press in Tripoli. He is badly wounded, but he is still breathing", says Mohamed Leith, one of the commanders of the troops of the National Transition Council, and said he saw the former Libyan leader himself. The Free Libya Television said that Muammar Gadhafi was arrested at the same time as his son, Moutassim and as Mansour Daou the head of the domestic security service and Abdallah Senoussi" the head of the lybian intelligence service.

The first issue is that of the relation between nation-states, nationalism and migrant religious communities. The second is that of the so-called religious conservatism of migrant communities.

The girls were accompanied by seventy Legionaries, mostly shopkeepers, tradesmen, and office workers led by the tailor Dumitru Baiculescu. Girls like Maria joined the female wing of the youth section — Frăţia de Cruce the Blood Brotherhood. Cristescu was an important figure in the Legion, which explains in part why so many Legionaries attended her funeral.

The final is that of alternative cosmopolitanisms. These issues are related in the perspective presented here, but can be disentangled for analytical purposes. My examples concern mainly transnational Muslim and Hindu communities.

Nation, Migration and Religion An important issue often raised in relation to migrant religious communities is that of political loyalty to either the nation-state of immigration or the nationstate of origin. Before the rise of the nation-state in Europe this was an issue that was raised not in relation to migration, but to religious minorities.

The European wars of religion of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were fought around the question of political loyalty: Can one be loyal to the state when one is not following the religion of the state? As Hobbes and other political thinkers realized, it was the nature cryptocurrency comders africa de sud the state that was at issue here. One outcome of the political revolutions in America and France of the late eighteenth century was that political loyalty could rest on citizenship instead of membership in the state church.

This development led ultimately, for example in nineteenth-century Britain, to the secular idea of the enfranchisement of JSRI N o. Therefore the definition of citizenship and its connection not only to rights and obligations but also to cultural notions and practices of belonging and community become crucial. Were in the nineteenth century Roman Catholics in Protestant countries like Britain or Holland often accused of being loyal to the pope in Rome, Muslims today are either accused of being loyal to Mecca and receive money from the Saudis or to their nation-states of origin.

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In the Netherlands, where around Suspicions that Muslim migrants have their loyalties elsewhere has, obviously, been strongly reinforced by the terrorist assault on the USA of September 11, The fact that there are terrorist networks of radical Muslims operating in many Western societies is justifiably seen as a threat to the security of these nation-states.

Moreover, the enthusiasm shown by some Muslim youngsters for the actions of Bin Laden has been highly publicised and discussed as an unacceptable provocation to the nation-state and thrown doubts on their loyalty.

In the Netherlands the decision of some Moroccan newspaper-sellers in November to stop distributing a newspaper that had 6 a Quranic quotation in Arabic on its cover threw further doubt on Muslim participation in what the Dutch themselves perceive to be an open society.

In debates about religious points of view Muslim citizens are regularly requested to show their allegiance to Dutch norms and values, and to the laws of the land. Some of this is simply a juridical demand connected to citizenship, but it does single Muslims out.

Gadhafi has become history to the Libyans

There is discernible moral panic that transcends the language of rights and obligations. The general idea behind this anxiety is expressed by the political philosopher Charles Taylor, who argues that secularism in some form is necessary for the democratic life of religiously diverse societies.

In Western Europe it was the burning of copies of Salman Rushdies Satanic Verses that has done more than anything else to reinforce the image of intolerant Islam and to highlight the conflict between liberal conceptions of citizenship and religious conceptions of collective action in the public sphere.

Turks and Moroccans in the Netherlands are often still citizens in their nation-states of origin.

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For both Turkey and Morocco the loyalty of their transnational communities continues to be of crucial economic and political importance. One could speak of transnational state policies not only in economic and political matters, but also in religious ones.

Migrant communities, therefore, have to negotiate the religious policies of both the nation of immigration and the nation of origin. Questions of multiple citizenship and religion have gained priority on the European political agenda. Hyphenated identities, which have become of great importance in identity politics in the US, are now also increasingly important in Europe and Asia. To illustrate this development and to demonstrate that transnational religious movements are crucial in it I cryptocurrency comders africa de sud to examine the case of India.

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India has seen the emergence of a special kind of hyphenated identity: the non-resident Indian NRI. The Foreign Exchange Regulations Act of includes in this category: 1. Persons of Cryptocurrency comders africa de sud origin holding a passport of another country. One is of Indian origin if one has held an Indian passport, or if either of the parents or grandparents was Indian.

The wife of a person of Indian origin is held to be of Indian origin too. Citizenship nor residence are thus the criteria for deciding who belongs to this category, but origin is and in that sense it has 7 much in common with the German genealogical definition according to which migrant communities in Eastern Europe belong to the German nation and have the right to return to Germany. One reason for the Indian state to create this category is to raise foreign exchange, since NRIs are allowed to deposit money in Indian banks with competitive, guaranteed rates of interest.

However, I would suggest that the main reason is not economic, but political. It is striking that it is not the lower-class migrant labourers in the Gulf region who are the primary targets of this policy, although they are among the migrants by far the most important economic actors in terms of remittances and other effects on the Indian economy.

It is also not the older migrant communities of indentured labourers and their descendants or even the older merchant communities that form the target of this policy.

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Rather it is the new Hindu middle-class professional and entrepreneurial migrant in especially the USA that forms an important focus for Indian politics. It is ironic that a party that derives so much of its political gains from a preț btc 2021 which stigmatises the indigenous Muslim community as foreign is so interested in Indians who actually live in foreign lands.

Remember that as surely as we one day swung down out of the trees and walked upright, just as surely, on a far earlier day, did we crawl up out of the sea and achieve our first adventure on land. Often, before I learned, did I wonder whence came the multitudes of pictures that thronged my dreams; for they were pictures the like of which I had never seen in real wake-a-day life. They tormented my childhood, making of my dreams a procession of nightmares and a little later convincing me that I was different from my kind, a creature unnatural and accursed.

Transnational investment, global politics and the cultural capital of belonging go hand in hand here. In his view, these identities are produced by social movements which react against three fundamental threats: globalization, which dissolves the autonomy of institutions, organizations and communication systems where people live.

Reaction against networking and flexibility. Cryptocurrency comders africa de sud reaction against the crisis of the patriarchal family. When the world becomes too large to be controlled, social actors aim at shrinking it back to their size and reach. I want to look at two of 8 them, one Hindu, the other Muslim, but both originating in India. The Vishva Hindu Parishad, founded in by leaders of the militant Hindu nationalist organization Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh RSS and the Hindu guru Swami Chinmayanand, is a Hindu revivalist movement which simultaneously tries to reach out globally to all Hindus in the world and mobilize Hindus in India for anti-Muslim politics.

The issue of building a temple for the God Rama on the site of the destroyed temple continues to be raised by the VHP especially during major elections. What concerns us here are the contradictory faces of the VHP. On the one hand, the VHP is clearly a movement that promotes Hindu nationalism with an anti-secular and anti-Muslim slant and cryptocurrency comders africa de sud such platforme de investiții bitcoin 2021 is a movement that continues much of the religious nationalist rhetoric cryptocurrency comders africa de sud methods of such movements since the late 19th century.

It resists westernization and globalization in so far as they are portrayed as foreign threats to the basic Hindu values of the Indian nation. Muslims as a community signify the foreign as the enemy within. Ideologically, they are portrayed as converts, having their allegiance outside of India. On the other hand, the VHP is a movement that is very active globally and one of the prime agents of the globalization of Hinduism. In the USA it is active sincefollowing sizable immigration from India.

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The anti-Muslim politics which is central to its activities in India, does not make much sense in the USA. Antiglobalization rhetoric which emphasizes restrictions on foreign capital flowing into Indian companies is conspicuously absent from the VHP propaganda in the USA and rightly so, since its supporters there are strongly in favor of the liberalization and globalization of the economy.

As NRIs they have also direct personal advantage in the free flow of capital.